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Summary
-
British
policy has always been a pragmatic mix of harm reduction, abstinence,
and social control.
-
Prescribing
policy has clearly never been a purely medical issue, although it
responded to medical advances, such as the development of methadone.
-
It
is impossible to separate health responses from legal and political
responses.
-
Talk
of 'prescribing policy' and 'the British System' can give the false
impression of a monolithic, uniform treatment system - this is far
from the truth.
-
People
who wish to advocate change often seize on research findings (whether
valid or not) or a specific sentence from a report to buttress their
arguments for change in an unbalanced way.
-
Debate
about prescribing policy has oscillated between polarised viewpoints.
-
Most
doctors change their practice more slowly than the researchers and
policy makers advise.
-
Methadone
was not invented as part of a German war effort to replace supplies
of opium and Dolophine was an early American trade name: not a derivation
of Adolf.

Introduction
Responses to opiate use vary across the world and are, in many ways,
as much a product of history as of anything else.
Understanding the
history of responses to opiate use puts into context the prescribing policies
we see today - and may help us anticipate the future.
Starting with the
first organised responses to opiate use in the UK this section describes
the influences on policy and practice, including those from the USA, the
history of the discovery of methadone and the development of its unique
role in the treatment of opiate use.
The services offering
a treatment response to opiate use that are currently available in the
UK are then described in the light of the historical background.
The
origin of legal controls
At the turn of the century most countries had few laws restricting
the possession of drugs.
Growing international
concern about opiate use led to the First Opium Convention in the Hague
in 1912. Britain as a signatory agreed to the principle of adopting controls
over opium, morphine and cocaine.1
In July 1916, following
rumours that soldiers on leave were using cocaine, a 'Defence of the Realm
Regulation' was enacted making it illegal to possess cocaine unless prescribed
by a doctor.
In 1920 and 1923 the
list of drugs that were illegal to possess, import or sell was expanded
by the Dangerous Drugs Acts to include opium and opium derivatives such
as heroin. Doctors could still prescribe these drugs, but each prescription
could only be for a maximum of three collections from the pharmacy.
This caused some concern
among doctors because it left them unclear as to when prescribing these
drugs was legitimate and was seen as Home Office interference with medical
autonomy.
In 1924 the Ministry
of Health set up a committee, chaired by Sir Humphrey Rolleston, to look
into these issues.

The
Rolleston report
This report, published in 1926, accepted the principle that all doctors
could legitimately prescribe addictive drugs as part of the treatment
of dependence.
The report argued
that abstinence should be the long-term goal of treatment, but also accepted
that long-term prescribing was a legitimate way of treating people who
were unable to stop taking drugs.
It recommended that
two groups receive treatment with morphine or heroin, namely:
-
Those
who are undergoing treatment for the cure of addiction by the gradual
withdrawal method, and
-
Persons
for whom, after every effort has been made for the cure of the addiction,
the drug cannot be withdrawn either because:
-
complete
withdrawal produces such serious symptoms which cannot be satisfactorily
treated under the normal conditions of private practice; or
-
the
patient, while capable of leading a normal life so long as he
takes a certain non-progressive quantity, usually small, of the
drug of addiction, ceases to be able to do so when the regular
allowance is withdrawn.
This pragmatic approach
in which the care of opiate users was entrusted to doctors continued without
serious review until the late 1950s. However the number of people being
treated at any time was only a few hundred - and they were generally considered
to be stable.
When the first statistics
were compiled in 1935 they counted 700 'addicts'. About one sixth of these
were medical practitioners. This size and pattern of addiction remained
similar through the 1930s, '40s and '50s. In 1959 there were 454 known
addicts of whom the majority (204) were addicted to morphine, 68 to heroin
and 60 to methadone. 76% had become addicted following treatment for pain
and 15% were health professionals.2
The
discovery of methadone
The
origins of the research
In 1939
Otto Eisleb and a colleague O Schaumann, scientists working for the large
chemicals conglomerate I G Farbenindustrie at Hoechst-Am-Main, Germany,
discovered an effective opioid analgesic drug which they numbered compound
8909 and called Dolantin.3 This
was the discovery of pethidine. As with diamorphine (heroin) before, and
buprenorphine (Temgesic) since, the early hopes of it being 'a new non-addictive
analgesic' were not realised.
However the powerful
analgesic action of pethidine was much needed during the Second World
War. It was being produced commercially by 19393
and at the height of the war in 1944 annual production had risen to 1600
kg.4
Meanwhile close colleagues
Max Bockmühl and Gustav Ehrhart were working on compounds with a
similar structure to Dolantin in the hope of finding:
-
Water-soluble
hypnotic (sleep-inducing) substances5
-
Effective drugs
to slow the gastrointestinal tract to make surgery easier6
-
Effective analgesics
that were structurally dissimilar to morphine - in the hope that they
would be non-addictive5 and
escape the strict controls on opiates.
There is no evidence,
as had been widely believed both here and in the USA, that they were working
as part of a German attempt, directed by Hitler, to replace opium supplies
which had been cut off by the war.
This myth has been
widely expanded to attributing one of methadone's first trade names -
Dolophine - to being a derivation of Adolf and even that it was called
Adolophine in Germany - the 'A' being dropped after the war. In fact the
name Dolophine was created for the drug as a trade name after the war
by the Eli-Lilly pharmaceutical company in America. It was probably derived
from the French dolor (pain) and fin (end).6
The
discovery of 'Hoechst 10820': methadone
During
1937 and the spring and summer of 1938 Bockmühl and Ehrhart worked
on the creation of another new substance in the group which they called
'Hoechst 10820' and, later, polamidon.

A patent application
was filed on 11 September 1941 and the discovery was formally credited
to Bockmühl and Ehrhart (see overleaf).7
It has been asserted
that because the new compound's two-dimensional structure had no resemblance
to morphine its pain-killing properties were not recognised until after
the war had ended.6 But although
the town of Hoechst was extensively bombed during the war the I G Farbenindustrie
factory suffered only slight damage and so limited experimental work was
able to continue, stopping only when supplies of coal ran out or when
the rail links were broken. In the autumn of 1942, after it had been determined
that the drug was both an analgesic and a spasmolytic, it was handed over
to the military for further testing under the code name Amidon.8
There was no attempt to try and get polamidon production levels up to
those of pethidine. Construction continued at Hoechst on a new pethidine
production plant.4
The
patent application for methadone (click
on thumbnail image to view)
An explanation for
it not being exploited more fully between 1939 and 1945 was given by Dr
K K Chen - an American doctor who did much of the early clinical research
work after the war - who said a former employee of I G Farbenindustrie
had told him in personal correspondence that they had discounted its use
because of the side effects.8
Chen presumed that the doses used in the experiments had been too high,
causing nausea, overdose etc.

After
the war
All
German patents and trade names, including those for polamidon, were requisitioned
by the allies as spoils of war. The I G Farbenindustrie factory was in
a US occupation zone and therefore came under American management. The
US Foreign Economic Management Department sent a 'Technical Industrial
Intelligence Committee' team of 4 men (Kleiderer, Rice, Conquest and Williams)
to investigate the war-time work at Hoechst.
In 1945 The Kleiderer
report was published by the US Department of Commerce Intelligence. For
the first time in print it reported the findings of Bockmühl and
Ehrhart; and that despite having a different structure, polamidon closely
mimicked the pharmacological action of morphine.9
The formula was distributed
around the world and exploited by many companies, which is why it has
so many different trade names. As a result this production of analgesics,
which was no longer commercially viable, practically stopped at Hoechst
after the war. The pethidine plant, by then half finished, was instead
dedicated to the production of penicillin.4
The I G Farbenindustrie empire was broken up by the allies and the plant
that had developed methadone became part of a new company called Hoechst
A G.
Eli-Lilly and other
American and UK pharmaceutical companies quickly began clinical trials
and commercial production of the new drug, polamidon.

In 1947 Isbell et
al, who had been experimenting extensively with methadone, published a
review of their experimental work with humans and animals and clinical
work with medical patients.10
They gave volunteers up to 200mg 4 times daily, and found rapidly developing
tolerance and euphoria. They had to reduce levels with patients on these
high doses because of, among other things: '...signs
of toxicity ... inflammation of the skin ... deep narcosis and ... a general
clinical appearance of illness.' They also found that 'morphine
addicts responded very positively.' They concluded that methadone
had high addiction potential: 'We believe that
unless the manufacture and use of methadon [methadone] are controlled
addiction to it will become a serious health problem.'
There were many early
studies all of which found methadone to be an effective analgesic. Bockmühl
and Ehrhart were not able to submit the preliminary research results that
they had given to Kleiderer on the 60 or so compounds they had discovered
in the 'new class of spasmolytic and analgesic compounds' until July 1948.
They were published in 1949.11
An
early advert for physeptone (click
on thumbnail image to view)
Early
use in the UK
The
earliest accounts of methadone use in the UK were from papers published
in the Lancet in 1947 describing it as 'at least as powerful as morphine,
and 10 times more powerful than pethidine' and, subsequently, a study
of its use as an obstetric analgesic at the University College, London.12
This study, however, was terminated because of respiratory depression
in the newborn babies.
Early advertisements
claimed that Physeptone (Wellcome's trade name for methadone) carried
'little risk of addiction' and the consensus was that it was a better
analgesic than morphine. It is therefore likely that the first people
who became dependent on it had either been treated for pain or treated
by doctors who thought it to be less dependency-forming than other opiates.
In 1955 the Home Office
was aware of 21 methadone addicts; by 1960 the number had risen to 60.2
In 1968 when the present Home Office notification system was set up the
first two notifications arrived on 1 January: a 19 year-old female from
London SW12 and a 20 year-old male from London SE23. By the end of the
year 297 people had been notified as addicted to methadone.13
In 1969, as a result of the setting up of clinics (see below) the number
of people reported as using methadone had risen to 1687.14
The
1960s
In 1958,
at the instigation of the Home Office, the Department of Health set up
a Committee on Drug Addiction to review policy in the light of the new
synthetic opiates that had come on to the market. The report, often called
the 'First Brain Report', was published in 1961. Its conclusions were,
effectively, an endorsement of the Rolleston report.
In the early 1960s
the number of opiate addicts increased and the pattern of use began to
change: there were younger people and more people taking opiates for pleasure
rather than as part of medical treatment.
Heroin first overtook
morphine as the most notified drug of addiction in 1962.15
Most of these 'new' addicts lived in London. All of the heroin was pharmaceutically
pure and much of it was prescribed by a small number of doctors.
There was concern
that, contrary to the principles of the Rolleston report, some doctors
were showing little, if any, inclination to 'make every effort for the
cure of addiction'. This concern led to the recall of the Committee on
Drug Addiction in 1964.
The
second Brain report
This
report was published in 1965 and resulted in changes in policy and the
law:
-
The right to prescribe
heroin and other specified controlled drugs for the treatment of addiction
was restricted to doctors licensed by the Home Office
-
Doctors were legally
required to notify addicts to the new Home Office Addicts Index
-
Drug clinics were
set up to provide specialised medical treatment of addiction.
Contrary to the belief
of many doctors methadone has never been one of the controlled drugs that
can only be prescribed by specially licensed doctors.

The
late 1960s
By 1966
there were 6 times more notified heroin addicts than morphine addicts.15
In 1968 the new drug
clinics began operating. Their establishment attracted a large population
of opiate users into contact with the service and the number of notified
addicts rose to 2881 of whom 2240 were addicted to heroin. The clinics
were set up to:
-
Provide a legal
supply of drugs
-
Attract heroin
users into contact with the service
-
Prevent the illicit
market in drugs
-
Prevent the crime
associated with illicit drug use
-
Help people get
off drugs altogether.
In the first years
of the drug clinics they prescribed drugs that the clients were already
taking, mostly in injectable form. Some clinics had 'fixing rooms' where
injecting equipment was provided so that clients could inject their medication.
By the end of 1969,
in central London, diverted supplies of injectable methadone, mostly in
the form of Physeptone ampoules and 10mg diamorphine tablets, were huge.
These tablets were known as 'Jacks' which is the origin of the phrase
'Jacking up'. Indeed Physeptone ampoules were so easily available on the
black market that they were used:
-
As a suitable
sterile fluid to flush out and clean injecting equipment between 'hits'
of 10mg diamorphine tablets
-
Instead of water
to dissolve drugs
-
As a 'freebie'
to encourage bulk sales of the 10mg diamorphine tablets.
These supplies came
from both the clinics and a small number of doctors in central London
who had large numbers of opiate users on their lists to whom they prescribed
freely.
The
1970s
During the 1970s the incidence of heroin use continued to rise.
For the first time this included a significant quantity of imported, illicit
heroin.
The clinics started
to doubt the efficacy of prescribing the client's drug of choice as a
way of producing change. Clinic prescribing practice moved away from predominantly
prescribing injectable heroin towards prescribing oral methadone, on the
basis that it was more therapeutic to prescribe a non-injectable drug
and because its long half-life meant it could be taken once daily rather
than every few hours.
A landmark study from
that time (and the only randomised controlled trial in this area) compared
the effects of randomly allocating heroin users to either of these two
treatments.16 The study, carried
out by Martin Mitcheson and Richard Hartnoll between 1971 and 1976, found
that methadone treatment produced more polarised effects than heroin treatment.
The methadone group were more likely to leave treatment but were also
more likely to achieve abstinence. The heroin group were more likely to
stay as they were. The researchers concluded that:
'The
provision of heroin maintenance may be seen as maintaining the status
quo, although ameliorating the problems of acquiring drugs ... by contrast
the refusal to prescribe heroin (and offer oral methadone instead) may
be seen as a more active policy of confrontation that is associated
with greater change.'
As the results of
this study became available the clinics were starting to deal with a new
and different client group: large numbers of working-class heroin users
who were smoking rather than injecting the relatively cheap heroin that
had appeared on the market from the Middle East.
In the light of the
changing client group - who were not asking for injectable drugs - and
the results of the study, the clinics defined their role as one of promoting
change and increasingly moved towards the use of oral methadone.
The
shift away from maintenance prescribing
Some
clinics began to review the efficacy of maintenance prescribing. For example
a small study carried out in 1975 by the Glasgow Drug Clinic found that
ceasing to prescribe methadone to new patients led to them improving as
much as maintained patients, except in the area of crime.17
Although weak scientifically, the publication of studies such as this
in the late 1970s led to questioning of the value of maintenance prescribing,
or, indeed, any prescribing.
The
1980s
In
the early 1980s there was a second period of dramatic increase in the
prevalence of heroin use. The numbers of notified addicts which had increased
slowly through the 1970s from 509 in 1973 to 607 in 1976 and to 1110 in
1979, doubled from 1979 to 1982 and had doubled again by 1984.18
This great increase
in the early 1980s differed from that of 20 years earlier, in that it
was not restricted to London: it occurred all over Britain and many of
these new users smoked their heroin (known as 'chasing the dragon') rather
than injecting it.
The prescribing response
was largely one of methadone mixture detoxification programmes - the 'gradual
withdrawal method' of the Rolleston report.
However the increase
in the number of opiate users meant that services had to expand and become
more widely available. Prompted by this change and the Advisory Council
on the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD) Report on Treatment and Rehabilitation19
the Government responded with a funding initiative which saw the development
of a non-statutory drug service and/or a Community Drug Team in most health
districts. Most of these new services got involved in methadone prescribing
either by employing a clinical assistant or a consultant psychiatrist
on a sessional basis to prescribe methadone, or through working with GPs.
AIDS
and the re-emergence of maintenance prescribing
The
possibility of rapid transmission of the HIV virus among intravenous drug
users and reports of high HIV prevalence figures among intravenous drug
users in Edinburgh prompted a fundamental review of drugs policy.
The 1988 report of
the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD) on AIDS and drug misuse20
Part 1 led to the development of community-based needle and syringe exchange
schemes all over Britain.
The report articulated
the policy of directing treatment towards abstinence by achieving intermediate
goals such as:
-
Stopping injecting
with unsterile equipment
-
Taking drugs by
mouth or inhalation
-
Taking prescribed
rather than illegal drugs.
The report advocated
a comprehensive approach to the prevention of the spread of HIV, following
its first conclusion that:
'...HIV
is a greater threat to public and individual health than drug misuse.
The first goal of work with drug misusers must therefore be to prevent
them acquiring or transmitting the virus. In some cases this will be
achieved through abstinence. In others, abstinence will not be achievable
for the time being and efforts will have to focus on risk reduction.
Abstinence remains the ultimate goal but efforts to bring it about in
individual cases must not jeopardise any reduction in HIV risk behaviour
which has already been achieved.'
This reversed the
abstinence-orientated prescribing policy of the preceding years as it
legitimised longer-term prescribing to enable users to stop injecting.
Although there was a wider range of prescribing options supplementing
short-term detoxification, most doctors continued to prescribe methadone
mixture only for limited periods of time.
In time it transpired
that the high HIV infection rates in Edinburgh were a local phenomenon
resulting from factors such as unavailability of injecting equipment,
and were not being replicated across Britain.21,
22 However the services that
were set up on the assumption that these HIV prevalence rates were typical
have almost certainly been instrumental in maintaining relatively low
rates of HIV seroprevelance among injecting drug users.
The
opposition to methadone maintenance prescribing
This
shift was not universal. The prescribing clinic in Sheffield was disbanded
and replaced by short-term in-patient detoxification and residential rehabilitation.23
At first in Edinburgh - where the epidemic of HIV had left half of the
city's injectors HIV positive - methadone was only offered to those who
were HIV positive. It took until 1988 to establish a co-ordinated prescribing
service.24
In Merseyside some
doctors revived the prescribing of heroin in injectable and smokeable
forms.
The 1980s conflict
over prescribing policy led many to regard as a cause célèbre
the disciplining of Dr Anne Dally who had espoused maintenance prescribing.
The General Medical Council found Dr Dally guilty of 'serious professional
misconduct' because she had 'irresponsibly treated addicts privately by
providing methadone in the long term without reasonable medical care.'
Some saw this as punishment by the medical establishment for her policy
of maintenance prescribing and prescribing of injectables as part of private
practice.25, 26
The
American experience
It is helpful
to understand the American experience with methadone maintenance because:
-
This is where
the concept originated
-
Of the different
ways in which treatment has been delivered there
-
Much of the research
into methadone treatment has been carried out in the USA.
The American experience
shows that treating patients with the same medication can be viewed and
executed in very different ways, and that these may be as important as
the drug itself in determining the effects of treatment.
From the First World
War onwards American and British drug policies took very different directions.
In the USA in 1914 the Harrison Act controlled the sale and possession
of drugs. It contained references to the prescription of addictive drugs
for 'legitimate medical purposes ... prescribed in good faith'. However
in 1922 the Behrman case, in stark contrast to UK policy, determined that
it was a crime for a physician to prescribe a narcotic drug to an addict.
By 1938 approximately
25000 doctors had been prosecuted on narcotics charges and 3000 had served
prison sentences! Federal agents relied heavily on the testimony of drug
users to secure these convictions - they secured these testimonies by
supplying the users with small quantities of drugs.6
Understandably this resulted in doctors having very little to do with
the treatment of addiction.
After the Second World
War there were just two large drug treatment facilities providing in-patient
treatment to 'help addicts abandon drug taking'. The one at Fort Worth
in Texas offered a service to men who lived west of the Mississippi and
the one in Lexington in Kentucky served men east of the Mississippi and
women from the entire USA.
The
first use of methadone in the treatment of opiate dependence
An
account of the first use of methadone in the treatment of addiction given
by Dr M J Kreek in 1989 is quoted by Thomas Payte.6
In the early 1960s
Dr Marie Nyswander and Dr Vincent Dole, a respected American psychiatrist
and research scientist, had found that they could not stabilise opiate
users on morphine without continually increasing the dose. They reviewed
the medical literature in search of possible alternatives and pioneered
the radical step of prescribing methadone which was effective orally,
and seemed from pain research and some detoxification experience to be
longer acting (they were not able to measure blood levels in those days).
They soon found that once they had reached an adequate treatment dose
that they could maintain people on that dose for long periods of time.
Dole encountered powerful
resistance from the US Bureau of Narcotics whose agents told him that
he was breaking the law and that they would 'put him out of business'.
In view of the past history of doctors' experiences in court he took the
brave step of inviting them to prosecute so that a 'proper ruling on the
matter could be made' - they declined.
Nyswander
and Dole: the pioneers of American methadone maintenance
Within
a year Nyswander and Dole had developed 'Methadone Maintenance Treatment'.
Their experiments with this approach began with treating people in a locked
ward with elaborate security procedures. The project soon discovered that
this level of security was unnecessary and it was gradually abandoned
by moving first to an open ward, and then having patients reside in the
ward whilst they went out in the daytime to work. This innovative treatment
was offered only to people with a long history of heroin use and failed
treatment.
Nyswander and Dole
based their approach on the theory that, once addicted, opiate addicts
suffer from a metabolic disorder, similar in principle to metabolic disorders
such as diabetes. Just as insulin normalises the dysfunction in diabetes,
so methadone was proposed to normalise the dysfunction of opiate addiction.
They argued the necessity for large doses of methadone (80mg to 150mg)
to establish a 'pharmacological blockade' against the effects of heroin,
that would prevent addicts from experiencing euphoria if they took it.
Even though Nyswander
and Dole viewed methadone treatment as a physical treatment for a physiological
disorder, their initial attempts to use methadone maintenance were combined
with intensive psycho-social rehabilitation. Many of their patients clearly
derived great benefit from this innovative treatment.27
The
spread of methadone maintenance programmes
This
new form of treatment spread rapidly in the USA but was often implemented
in a rigid way that lost some of the characteristics of Nyswander and
Dole's original work. Consequently few programmes have produced such good
results as their early work. The ways in which it was implemented in the
early 1970s were strongly affected by political and other factors, with
extensive government regulation.
The medical treatment
was - and is - encased in a rigid delivery system. In most programmes
patients attend the programme daily to drink their methadone and are regularly
monitored through testing of urine samples (the collection of which is
supervised) and counselling. Some programmes offer a variety of help and
psycho-social treatment from group therapy to help in finding jobs. Once
patients are stabilised they are able to earn the 'privilege' of taking
home doses of methadone for one or more days.
The numbers of patients
receiving Methadone Maintenance Treatment (MMT) in the USA rose: in 1992
there were about 120000 patients served by around 800 programmes. There
is a great deal of variation in the rehabilitation and psycho-social services
that are offered in addition to methadone and also in the dosage levels
employed. Over half of patients receive below 60mg daily - which is accepted
in the USA as the therapeutic minimum28
- well below the level recommended by Nyswander and Dole's research.
Prescribing
services available in the UK today
Methadone
prescribing services in the UK could be described as a patchwork, with
most areas having a service of some kind but with many variations between
health districts. The titles of services can vary a lot but, in addition
to GPs, there are three main types of community service:
-
Street agencies
-
Community drug
teams
-
Drug clinics.
There are also a small
number of doctors who offer treatment to drug users as part of:
General
Practitioners (GPs)
Everyone
has the right to have a GP. Although many refuse to treat drug dependency
all GPs are entitled to prescribe methadone (and most other drugs) in
order to treat addiction. GPs notify nearly half of all those treated
with methadone.
They do not usually
have in-house testing facilities such as urinalysis, but primary health
care teams increasingly have staff such as counsellors in their surgery.
GPs vary considerably
in their attitudes and practice in treating drug problems. If a GP is
not inclined to prescribe methadone for an opiate user there is little
that can be done to force them because doctors are able to use considerable
discretion in deciding what they think is the best treatment for their
patients.
Street
agencies: easy-reach, often non-statutory services
Such
services are often called the 'Drug Advisory Service' or similar and tend
to be based in town centres, designed to be easily accessible and easy
to approach. They may be staffed by a mix of paid staff and voluntary
workers, usually providing a telephone helpline, advice and counselling,
needle exchange and guidance on how to access residential rehabilitation
and detoxification or methadone treatment. They usually serve a wide range
of people with drug problems, and their families.
Community
drug teams (CDT)
Statutory
services are usually staffed by nurses and social workers and in some
cases also by clinical psychologists, probation officers, counsellors,
and/or medical practitioners. Some community drug teams play the same
role as street agencies, but usually focus on a prescribing and counselling
service. They may have their own doctor to prescribe, or may liaise with
the patient's GP to put together a package of care involving monitoring
and counselling from the CDT. CDTs tend to serve mainly opiate users,
but usually have a remit to help people and their relatives with other
types of drug problems.
Drug
clinics
Drug clinics
tend to be based in hospital and emphasise out-patient medical care; they
are often headed by a consultant psychiatrist, but staffed by doctors,
nurses, social workers, and possibly occupational therapists and/or clinical
psychologists.
Clients may have to
attend on a daily basis or several times a week to obtain their prescriptions.
In some cases, usually 'low threshold methadone maintenance programmes',
they may be required to drink their methadone at the clinic in front of
a member of staff.
To cope with the large
volume of prescription writing most clinics use a computer to generate
prescriptions - see Section 5: methadone and
the law, handwriting exemptions. These prescriptions may then be sent
to retail pharmacies for dispensing. Alternatively, methadone may be dispensed
from a local hospital pharmacy as this is often cheaper.
Drug clinics may have
access to specialist in-patient facilities for detoxification and other
in-patient treatments. Some clinics have facilities for dispensing methadone
to patients who have to attend daily to receive their medication. Drug
clinics usually offer a variety of treatment options.
Large centre prescribing
is often an essential part of a service to a large number of opiate users,
hence their predominance in large cities.
Private
practice
Despite
the experience of Dr Anne Dally (see above) there are still a small number
of doctors in private practice who prescribe oral or injectable methadone
to drug users. Some do it out of a belief in the need for more sympathetic,
responsive services and offer a useful adjunct to the NHS. Others are
not so principled, and some of these are still a source of drugs for the
illicit market, and are of little therapeutic value to their patients.
However, large dose, unsupervised prescribing is not confined to private
practice and is a feature of a minority of all service types.
In general, private
services are preferred by clients who are in full-time employment, and
appreciate the shorter waiting times, increased doses and willingness
to prescribe on a maintenance basis.

Key
events in the history of prescribing
Note: To give an indication of
the growth of opiate use column 2 in the following table shows the annual
numbers of addicts known to the Home Office expressed as multiples of
the 616 that were known in 1936.
| Year |
Relative
number of addicts (1936=1) |
Total
number of addicts |
British
events |
Events
outside UK |
| 1869 |
|
|
UK
Pharmacy Act restricts the outlets for sale of opiates |
|
| 1914 |
|
|
|
USA:
Harrison Act restricts drug supply |
| 1916 |
|
|
Defence
of the Realm Regulation restricts drugs |
|
| 1920 |
|
|
Dangerous
Drugs Act |
|
| 1922 |
|
|
|
USA:
Prescription of addictive drugs illegal |
| 1923 |
|
|
Dangerous
Drugs Act |
|
| 1926 |
|
|
Rolleston
Report: addiction a medical matter |
|
| 1936 |
1.0 |
616 |
|
|
| 1942 |
0.8 |
524 |
|
Germany:
Hoechst 10820 - later to be named methadone - discovered |
| 1945 |
0.6
|
367 |
|
USA:
commercial production of |
| |
|
|
|
methadone
begins |
| 1958 |
0.7 |
442 |
First
'Brain' Committee set up |
|
| 1961 |
0.8 |
470 |
First
Brain Report restates Rolleston approach |
|
| 1963 |
1.0
|
635 |
|
USA:
Nyswander and Dole pioneer Methadone Maintenance Treatment (MMT) |
| 1964 |
1.2 |
753 |
Second
'Brain' Committee set up |
|
| 1965 |
1.5 |
937 |
Brain
Report recommends changes to law, prescribing, and Addicts Index |
|
| 1968 |
4.7 |
2881 |
Drug
clinics set up |
|
| 1970 |
|
|
Clinics
begin shift to oral methadone |
USA:
methadone maintenance spreads |
| 1975 |
5.6 |
3425 |
Shift
away from maintenance prescribing |
|
| 1980 |
8.3 |
5107 |
|
|
| 1983 |
16.6 |
10235 |
First
drug injector dies of AIDS |
|
| 1985 |
23.8 |
14688 |
Central
Funding Initiative funds expansion of drug services |
|
| 1988 |
|
|
ACMD
report on Drugs and AIDS expansion of harm reduction |
|
| 1990 |
28.8 |
17755 |
|
|
| 1993 |
45.4 |
27976 |
ACMD
follow-up report AIDS and Drugs Misuse endorses methadone maintenance |
|
| 1994 |
|
|
Drug
Treatment Effectiveness Review commissioned |
|

|